Will Al-Sudani solve the “trust complex” between the Iraqi government and the people?
Will Al-Sudani solve the “trust complex” between the Iraqi government and the people?
Many wonder about the secret of the silence of the leader of the Sadrist movement , Muqtada al-Sadr, about what the coordination framework government is doing, which has placed its trust in the agricultural engineer, Muhammad Shia’a al-Sudani, to take over the general administration of the country through the position of prime minister and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, in the most dangerous era in Iraq ‘s contemporary history.
Al-Sudani’s choice comes after a year of constitutional vacuum and the impact of the caretaker government headed by Mustafa Al-Kadhimi, the former director of intelligence, who left behind many files. Influential Iraqi observers confirm that the new government has no constitutional authority to make decisions on government appointments, spending and directing budgets.
The private information indicates that Al-Sadr closely monitors Al-Sudani’s steps, which fall into the same declared goals that he put forward to curb rampant corruption in the country and fight it, and refer symbols of corruption to trials. Al-Sadr’s “popular oversight” project from outside parliament gives him more freedom to deal with the masses who are tired of shouting at the corrupt.
Al-Sudani works as an elected prime minister in a consensual government with full powers, which took over its task after a difficult labor that lasted for a whole year. , which is a government entity affiliated with the Ministry of Finance, with planning and implementation by those close to the authority, they stole more than $2.7 billion from the Tax Authority’s trust funds, which devolve to merchants and investors that were deposited as trusts with it.
Al-Sudani proceeded to uncover the matter and ordered the arrest of those involved in corruption, and this step opened files and legendary stories about the size and type of corruption in the country, and there are indications of larger files at the border crossings and customs.
Eliminate corruption symbols
In order for the prime minister to implement his administration to combat corruption, he began issuing orders to dismiss a number of senior employees involved in corruption, who were managing the operations of the government of his predecessor, Mustafa Al-Kadhimi, among them, led by the head of the General Intelligence, Raed Jouhi, the political and media advisor, Mashreq Abbas, and Diaa Al-Musawi, director of operations in the intelligence apparatus. Involved in corruption deals and oil smuggling.
Al-Sudani stripped his predecessor, Al-Kazemi, of the force assigned to protect him and ordered it to leave its location near the house in which the former prime minister lives in the Green Zone, which has a strength of one hundred affiliates, at a time when former senior officials usually maintained several government protection regiments even after years of leaving office and large numbers of force. Protections that the state spends huge amounts of money on them from the general budget.
Cut salaries and stop wasting money
In addition to taking a series of important decisions, most notably reducing the salaries of ministers, cutting two and a half million dinars per month from each of them, canceling hospitality allocations for presidencies, including his office, which amount to millions of dollars, and directing the withdrawal of protections and escorts from members of the ministries, the three former presidencies, and political figures. As well as the abolition of 20 embassies due to the absence of expatriates in those countries, and the prohibition of allocating sums for rent allowances to those who own real estate in Baghdad, and the prohibition of allocating sums of money for treatment to the three presidencies, and the prohibition of renting private planes for the three presidencies from the state treasury.
Many observers describe Al-Sudani’s steps as quick and interfering with the reality of quotas. These and other measures were seized by the angry and suffocated Iraqi street with relief, but he called on the prime minister to take more measures targeting the big heads covered in power and partisanship, and not limiting himself to applying the law to junior employees and leaving the whales as bloggers describe them. Iraqis.
Researcher Salah al-Arabawi said, “If the Sudanese really wanted to fight corruption and hunt whales, he should start with the State Administration Alliance, but if he wanted a fictitious achievement, such as media coverage, and catching sardines, he should start with junior employees.”
Rationalization of government spending
In his endeavor to rationalize governance in Iraq, Al-Sudani seeks to take urgent measures, foremost of which is the rationalization of spending in the higher ranks, as the salaries of the three presidencies are estimated at three trillion dinars per year, that is, more than two billion dollars.
This issue may suggest that al-Sudani will face a fierce war because of his opening of files of corruption protected by the authorities and the entities involved in them, with the inflation of the government apparatus and its privileges at the expense of society.
Al-Sudani angered a number of deputies by withdrawing a set of draft laws, including the list of ambassadors, and turned the expansion into a reduction in the number of embassies that are shrouded in many interests that interfere in the nominations, as the number of ambassadors is 80, according to a document sent by the Al-Kazemi government last year for the purpose of voting on it, which was postponed when A number of deputies revealed suspicions of corruption around her.
Al-Sudani also canceled the privileges of special grades, which numbered ten thousand sites, while there is no data in all budgets during the previous governments that followed 2003 about the salaries of this group.
accumulation of challenges
The crisis facing the prime minister is that there is a depletion of budgets on a rentier economy by spending on more than nine million employees covered by the government spending base, which means that a quarter of Iraq’s population is employed, distributed among four million two hundred and fifty government employees, including two and a half million employees in the sector general civil.
While the number of employees in the military sector is one million seven hundred and fifty, in addition to retirees, and there is the social protection sector, which has a number of beneficiaries of one million and five hundred citizens, which means spending nearly 70 percent of the annual state budget, with the highest spending rate in the world. What characterized the Iraqi state as a failure when it turned into a state of employees to guarantee votes in the general elections, which thwarted the political process due to the depletion of public resources.
Writer Hamid al-Kafa’i believes that “the challenges facing al-Sudani cannot be counted due to their abundance and accumulation, but the most important of them is disarming the militias, some of which are linked to the state and receive salaries from it.” He pointed out that “unknown gunmen are responsible for killing, kidnapping, plundering public money, and protecting the corrupt, and they are associated with foreign countries seeking to destabilize Iraq. These are the first obstacle in the way of the state’s consolidation and progress.”
Al-Kafaei goes far by saying, “If the Sudanese cannot solve this problem in order to achieve security, preserve public money, and preserve civil liberties, which criminal groups have tampered with, then it is not possible to talk about a stable state.”
Although relying a lot on the Sudanese government to achieve all the aspirations of the people is a fantasy, it must be recalled that it is a product of political consensus between the components and forces that intersect in interests and are accused of corruption, or suspicions of corruption hover around it, an indication of which is the fullness of the integrity committees’ coffers with files, most of which have not been opened. .
On the other hand, it was behind the establishment of the era of militias, the proliferation of weapons outside the framework of the state, and the public’s lack of conviction increases with many of those imposed on the Sudanese in the Council of Ministers, who lack qualifications and competencies, and some of them lack integrity.
the other dimension
Director of the Gallup Research Institute, Monqith Dagher, believes that there is another dimension to the Iraqi crisis that goes beyond the authority and intentions of this government. He said, “The crisis of the political system is related to a crisis of trust between the public and this system, and between the players of the system with each other, so this crisis cannot be resolved unless a process of building bridges of trust takes place, whether in the first direction between the system and the people, and in the second direction between the players themselves, and this The process does not seem possible now in light of the current conditions, the gains of power and in light of the general satisfaction with what is happening in terms of political quotas.
Dagher added to The Independent Arabia, “There was hope that change would take place from within the Sadrist movement, but it does not seem that they are capable of such a change for internal or external reasons, except that their project has stopped suddenly, and there appears a glimmer of hope that the movement will reconcile with the public.” The broad Iraqi, and presents itself not in the form of a ideological religious movement, but rather in the form of a political movement or a large political coalition, from independents and the October movements and the movement for the purpose of carrying out the required process of change. However, a major condition must be the disarmament of the militias, and it is not possible in any way to reform the political system in Iraq”.
Ihsan al-Shammari, head of the Iraqi Political Thinking Center, describes the platform followed by al-Sudani, saying, “The program that he adopts in his capacity as prime minister is the result of a committee he formed in which he mixed his ideas with the directions of the coordination framework. In the end, I imagine that there is an entry into the program by the framework, and even the section on the political agreement now It is executive and legislative written based on the agreements of the political forces.”
This may limit the effectiveness of the measures that the prime minister may have to take when confronting forces allied with his political alliance, and contradict his reform mission, and may push him to turn a blind eye to some of the files in which the framework was involved, which are undoubtedly many.